
Elkan Abramowitz , a principal in Morvillo, Abramowitz, Grand, Iason & Silberberg, P.C., is a former Chief of the Criminal Division in the United States Attorney's Office for the Southern District of New York. He has also served as special counsel to the Select Committee for the U.S. House of Representatives. He writes a regular column on white-collar crime for The New York Law Journal.
Peter Scher works at the firm of Morvillo, Abramowitz, Grand, Iason & Silberberg, P.C., assisting several partners with researching and writing columns on white-collar crime and other topics for The New York Law Journal. A graduate of Tulane Law School, he has also served as Update Editor of a textbook on white-collar crime.
Reprinted with permission from the January 6, 1998 edition of The New York Law Journal.
Copyright 1998, The New York Law Publishing Company. All rights reserved.
As reported in Main Justice, a new book by Jim McGee and Brian Duffy, Michael E. Shaheen Jr., the counsel and lawyer-in-chief of the Justice Department's Office of Professional Responsibility since its inception in 1975, recently told a roomful of chief assistant U.S. attorneys:
There is no other department [of government] that is viewed with comparable terror or fear, because there is no other department that by itself can put you in jail or take your life, liberty or property away from you. The [Justice] Department has the FBI and the other agencies. It has become a Leviathan in the minds of a lot of people because it is so big and imponderable. I think it is correct to say that no outsider is capable of oversight.1
But, a long-awaited and important piece of legislation known as the Hyde Amendment, worked into this year's final appropriations bill for the Department of Justice, allows reimbursement of legal fees to defendants who were the victims of wrongful federal prosecutions. The law, applicable to criminal cases pending on or after November 26, 1997, permits a court to award attorneys' fees and other litigation expenses to the "prevailing party" in a criminal case if it finds that "the position of the United States was vexatious, frivolous, or in bad faith," unless such an award would be "unjust."2 This legislation may go a long way toward providing judicial oversight of DOJ's excesses.
A Measure of Sunshine; A Measure of Judicial Oversight
While it certainly remains to be seen whether the new law will have an appreciable deterrent effect on the charging practices of the Department of Justice, the Hyde Amendment has put into place a much-needed vehicle for vindicated criminal defendants to argue that a prosecution was abusive or that the government had engaged in wrongful conduct. More specifically, arguments relating to inappropriate prosecution can now more easily be made and heard in federal court. The courts provide a forum far removed from the catacombs of DOJ's internal review processes, where such issues have heretofore been confined, and, many would say, swept under the rug.3As McGee and Duffy report in their book, oversight of the ethics and discretion of the Justice Department has been a tricky business, especially for outsiders such as Congress, the press, or the courts. The authors report that complaints, and perhaps instances, of prosecutorial misconduct have skyrocketed in the last several years. Meanwhile, judges who attempt to impose any meaningful standards have often been thwarted by an unresponsive hierarchy within DOJ, or by appellate courts that are constrained by a rising tide of precedent that has weakened judicial authority in this area. The Hyde Amendment should help the courts to exercise a more appropriate, and necessary, degree of oversight.
The wording of the final version of the law, with the burden falling on the defendant to demonstrate that a prosecution was vexatious, frivolous or brought in bad faith, probably means that the significance of the measure will lie more in its message to prosecutors than in its impact on the economics of our justice system. An intense lobbying effort by DOJ in opposition to an earlier version of the bill that placed the burden of proof on the government ensured that the government would not be opening its purse strings in any but the most exceptional cases of prosecutorial abuse. But the message that the new law sends is clear: The power wielded by prosecutors is tremendous, and in some instances, prosecutors go too far in pursuing their targets; whether motivated by ambition, vindictiveness, misplaced enthusiasm, or a blinding political agenda. Apart from the internal oversight of the Justice Department itself, the Hyde Amendment provides an important additional safeguard -- a remedy and a deterrent -- against abusive use of such power.
EAJA and the Evolution of the Hyde Amendment
Although the defense bar has long argued for a law authorizing reimbursement of attorneys' fees for the wrongfully prosecuted,4 the evolution of the new legislation was less deliberate than one would have hoped. The direct impetus was an amendment to this year's appropriations bill proposed by Rep. John Murtha (D-PA), providing that members of Congress and their staffs would be reimbursed for legal expenses associated with successful defenses to prosecution. Murtha's proposal, it happens, was inspired by the legal troubles of his fellow Representative, Joseph McDade (R-PA), who was acquitted in 1996 after an eight-year defense of bribery and racketeering charges.The next stage was more auspicious: House Judiciary Committee Chairman Henry Hyde (R-IL) expanded the scope of Murtha's amendment to apply to all federal defendants. The original Hyde Amendment to the appropriations bill would have required the government to reimburse an acquitted defendant's legal fees unless the government could prove that the prosecution was "substantially justified." Hyde explained that his amendment was aimed at situations in which the prosecution was "not just wrong," but "willfully wrong, . . . frivolously wrong. They keep information from you that the law says they must disclose. . . . They suborn perjury."5
The original version of the Hyde Amendment was based almost entirely on the Equal Access to Justice Act (EAJA),6 which since 1980 has been available in civil actions brought by the government to "lessen the financial burden on private parties who prevail against the U.S. government in agency adversary adjudications or non-tort civil actions by authorizing the award of attorney and expert witness fees."7 Under the EAJA, an award of fees and expenses to the prevailing party is mandatory unless the court finds that the position of the government was "substantially justified." Courts have placed the burden on the government to show that there was a "substantial justification" for its position whenever the defendant prevails in a covered action.8 Most applications, therefore, result in awards. Between 1990 and 1994, the government paid between $1 million and $8.2 million per year in awards under the EAJA.9
In September 1997, the House overwhelmingly approved the Hyde Amendment by a bipartisan vote of 340-84. Notwithstanding the logical fairness of allowing criminal defendants the same rights to reimbursement of legal fees as civil defendants, the Justice Department reacted strongly to the prospects of judges deciding what prosecutions were justified and which criminal defendants were to gain access to any of DOJ's allocated funds. The reaction of the Justice Department to the Hyde Amendment was swift, strongly negative, and -- to be kind -- overstated. According to a widely circulated Judiciary Committee memorandum, the Justice Department took the position that "[d]efending against [a criminal prosecution] has always been deemed to be one of the costs of American citizenship." While DOJ is, of course, correct in saying that federal courts generally follow the so-called "American rule" where each side normally pays its own litigation costs, it can hardly be said that defending against an abusive or unjustified prosecution should not be an exception to that rule.
DOJ Threatens Veto: 'The Sky is Falling'
Attorney General Janet Reno warned that the Justice Department would urge President Clinton to veto the entire appropriations bill if the Hyde Amendment was adopted by the Senate. The Justice Department and the White House hastily attempted to frame the Hyde Amendment as antithetical to tough law enforcement. In a statement read on the House floor, the Clinton Administration warned that the reimbursement measure would "create a monetary incentive for criminal defense attorneys to generate additional litigation in cases in which prosecutors have in good faith brought sound charges, tying up the scarce time and resources that are vital to bringing criminals to justice."10Deputy Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr., at an October press conference, was even more cynical and blustery when he opined that the Hyde Amendment was "drastic legislation" that could "cost the taxpayers a fortune in high-stakes payoffs to America's Most Wanted." Holder blatantly ignored the three rather high hurdles that a defendant would have had to clear before recovering attorneys' fees under the original Hyde Amendment: (1) prevailing in the criminal case; (2) no substantial justification for the prosecution; and (3) an award of attorneys' fees would not be unjust. He simply declared that if the bill became law, people such as John Gotti, John Hinckley, and John DeLorean "could wind up with big taxpayer checks."11 Likewise, in an op-ed piece in The Washington Post, former Attorney General Griffin B. Bell invoked the specter of Manuel Noriega taking home a big check from Uncle Sam after his partial acquittal.12 This parade of imaginary horribles sounded more like scare tactics than serious criticism of the concept.
In opposing the Hyde Amendment, DOJ raised other concerns which paradoxically illustrated just why such a bill was crucial to the fairness of our justice system. DOJ argued, for example, that the amendment would force prosecutors to make decisions "with one eye on their office budget," presumably because awards under the law must come directly from the appropriations made to the prosecuting offices that initiated or maintained the unjustified prosecutions. Further, in a startling bit of hyperbole, the Justice Department argued that "[p]lea bargains that save time and put criminals behind bars could become a thing of the past."13 The Department of Justice seemingly was substituting its own vision of expediency for a fair system of justice. After all, it can hardly be disputed that defendants should not be encouraged to plead guilty to meritless charges solely to avoid the economic expense of a trial.
Any deterrent to a vexatious prosecution would seem to be appropriate. Moreover, defendants are always forced to make decisions with one eye on their budgets. If for no other reason, the Hyde Amendment is to be commended for possibly helping to relieve a small part of the economic pressure on a defendant to plead guilty solely to avoid a lengthy and costly trial. If the Hyde Amendment shifts that economic pressure from the individual defendant to the prosecutor's office in a case that the judge finds to be without justification, then that shift would be a benefit, not a drawback.
After DOJ's Fire: What the Law Says
Given the intensity of the Justice Department's opposition to the Hyde Amendment, it was no surprise that when it went to a House-Senate Conference Committee, DOJ was successful in influencing the ultimate language that emerged in the compromise bill. The new law, signed by President Clinton last November is still grounded in the "procedures and limitations" of the EAJA, but explicitly disavows the case law under the EAJA requiring that the burden of proof be on the government.These procedures and limitations drawn from the EAJA include a 30-day time period after final judgment in which to apply for reimbursement,14 a maximum of $125 per hour for attorney's fees "unless the court determines that an increase in the cost of living or a special factor, such as the limited availability of qualified attorneys for the proceedings involved, justifies a higher fee,"15 and a restriction that the "prevailing party" does not include individuals with a net worth exceeding $2 million or businesses with a net worth exceeding $7 million or more than 500 employees.16
What Congress Is Saying
Perhaps the most encouraging language to emerge from the House-Senate Conference Committee is contained in a sentence from the Committee's explanation accompanying the bill: "The conferees understand that a grand jury finding of probable cause to support an indictment does not preclude a judge from finding that the prosecution was vexatious, frivolous, or brought in bad faith."17 As self-evident as this statement might be (otherwise, the Hyde Amendment would be meaningless), Congress has clearly acknowledged the simple truth that the grand jury process no longer serves its historical protective function and now merely exists as a charging mechanism for the prosecutor's office.The significance of this congressional acknowledgment cannot be overstated. As William J. Campbell, former Chief Judge in the Northern District of Illinois, put it, "The grand jury is the total captive of the prosecutor, who, if he is candid, will concede that he can indict anybody, at any time, for almost anything before any grand jury."18 Judicial opinions are rife with frustration about the grand jury process, but trial courts have become largely powerless to provide remedies or deterrence for prosecutorial abuses in cases where there has been an indictment by a grand jury. This became especially true after the Supreme Court held in United States v. Williams that a district court may not dismiss an otherwise valid indictment because the government failed to disclose to a grand jury "substantial exculpatory evidence in its possession."19
Despite the encouraging language that emerged from the conference committee, the implications of the law are still uncertain for the nearly 7000 defendants who are dismissed or acquitted by federal courts and juries each year.20 It remains for the courts to decide what sort of prosecutorial misconduct rises to the level of "vexatious, frivolous or bad faith." The Supreme Court has established that "bad faith" in the law enforcement context includes a "reckless disregard for the truth."21 More recently the Court has affirmed and explained the duty of prosecutors to know about and disclose evidence favorable to a person accused.22 The "vexatious, frivolous or bad faith" standard should thus be interpreted in light of these well-established criminal law precedents, as well as the broad legislative history of the Hyde Amendment evincing an intent to protect citizens from the devastating effects of wrongful prosecutions.
There is a similar standard on the books, not just in EAJA, but also in the Firearms Act governing seizures and related actions. According to that statute, the government is strictly liable for attorneys' fees to prevailing parties in "any action or proceeding for the return of [seized] firearms or ammunition."23 However, in "any other action" arising under the firearms laws, attorneys' fees can be recovered when the court finds that "such action was without foundation, or was initiated vexatiously, frivolously, or in bad faith."24 There is very little case law interpreting these provisions of the Firearms Act.25 According to practitioners who specialize in firearms law, few defendants are even aware of the attorney's fees provisions, and the mechanism allowing for reimbursement has been underutilized. If the Hyde Amendment is to be effective, it must be widely known and used. Not exploited in the sense conjured by its opponents, but brought to its potential by attorneys filing informed, aggressive, and responsible applications pursuant to the new law.
An Opportunity To Curb Wrongful Prosecutions
For now, the Hyde Amendment should be viewed with cautious optimism. At the very least, it is a legislative mandate for increased judicial involvement in the oversight of the Justice Department. Congress has clearly recognized that there is simply no reason that the very important business of deterring prosecutorial abuse should be confined to the self-policing procedures within DOJ. It has been not only the defense bar, but increasingly the courts, that have expressed their frustration at DOJ's procedures for addressing, much less remedying, abuse.In a recent California case in which the trial judge found that the prosecution had concealed testimony and lied in court, Judge Alex Kozinski of the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals expressed his frustration with DOJ's inaction: "Troubled as we are by the prosecutor's conduct, we're more troubled still by the lack of supervision and control exercised by those above him. . . . How can it be that a serious claim of prosecutorial misconduct remains unresolved -- even unaddressed -- until oral argument in the Court of Appeals?"26
Similarly, Chief Judge Richard Posner of the Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals observed, in the context of condemning a campaign of harassment waged by prosecutors against a criminal defense attorney, that "[t]he increase in the number of federal prosecutors in recent years has brought in its train problems of quality control."27
The Hyde Amendment provides at least a toehold for curbing and deterring costly and harmful wrongful prosecutions -- from the outside; adding a check and a balance to the law. At the same time, it provides the individual victims of these prosecutions some redress for the monetary toll exacted upon them. The law is certainly an open book at this point. It remains for lawyers to test it through motions in appropriate cases, and for judges to decide what type of conduct reaches the level of vexatious, frivolous, or bad faith.
Sharon Hogge, a woman recently acquitted by the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of Texas, hopes to become the first beneficiary of the Hyde Amendment. After the court entered an order of acquittal for Hogge based on a lack of evidence to support the charges, she filed a motion for reimbursement of her nearly $200,000 in legal expenses. Hogge's attorney, NACDL member Dick DeGuerin, is seeking litigation expenses from the local U.S. Attorney's office, the FBI, the Department of Defense, and the NASA Inspector General. According to DeGuerin, prosecutors had indicted Hogge, after assuring her that they would not do so, in an inappropriate effort to coerce her to become a government witness.28 Now, DeGuerin urges that reimbursement is due under the criteria set forth in the Hyde Amendment. Diligent defense attorneys should follow Hogge's application, as well as similar motions that are likely to be filed in 1998.
Notes
1. Jim McGee & Brian Duffy, Main Justice 276-77 (1997).2. Pub. L. No. 105-119, 111 Stat. 2440 (1997). More fully, Section 617 provides:
During fiscal year 1998 and in any fiscal year thereafter, the court, in any criminal case (other than a case in which the defendant is represented by assigned counsel paid for by the public) pending on or after the date of the enactment of this Act, may award to a prevailing party, other than the United States, a reasonable attorney's fee and other litigation expenses, where the court finds that the position of the United States was vexatious, frivolous or in bad faith, unless the court finds that special circumstances make such an award unjust. Such awards shall be made pursuant to the procedures and limitations (but not the burden of proof) provided for an award under [the Equal Access to Justice Act]....Fees and other expenses awarded under this provision to a party shall be paid by the agency over which the party prevails from any funds made available to the agency by appropriation. No new appropriations shall be made as a result of this provision.
3. For example, in 1990, a congressional subcommittee looking into DOJ's internal controls asked the Office of Professional Responsibility what disciplinary action had been taken in each of ten cases in which federal judges had made written findings of prosecutorial misconduct. The panel was informed that "no disciplinary action had been taken in any of the ten cases." H. Rep. No. 101-986, 101st Cong., 2d Sess. 24 (1990). See also Hearing before the Subcommittee on Courts and Intellectual Property of the U.S. House Judiciary Committee, on H.R. 3386 (104th Cong.), September 12, 1996 (Serial Document No. 109) (regarding a bill introduced by Rep. Joseph McDade to outlaw the infamous "Thornburgh Memorandum," and its "Reno Regulation" progeny, which purport to self-exempt federal prosecutors from the state, local, and local federal court rules of ethics by which all other attorneys must abide); H.R. 232 (105th Cong.) (same).
4. Since 1995, the National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers has urged a federal "Victim Restitution Act that compensates citizens who have been wrongfully prosecuted." See NACDL Legislative Position Statement, "Victims' Restitution Act."
5. See House Backs Measure Exposing Government to Attorneys' Fee Awards in Criminal Cases, 82 Crim. L. Rep. 1019, Oct. 12, 1997.
6. 28 U.S.C. 2412 (1996).
7. Equal Access to Justice Act, Annual Report of the DOJ (1995). According to the most recent report prepared by the Department of Justice, there were 2395 total applications for restitution under the EAJA during fiscal year 1995, of which 2190 were granted. The total dollars awarded in 1995 was roughly $10 million.
8. The Supreme Court has held that "substantial justification" in this context means "justified in substance or in the main -- that is, justified to a degree that could satisfy a reasonable person." Pierce v. Underwood, 108 S. Ct. 2541, 2550 (1988).
9. Annual Report, supra note 7. Due to changes and inconsistencies in reporting methods, however, the Report warns against reliance on the statistics for EAJA applications and awards.
10. See House Backs Measure, supra note 5.
11. Transcript, Weekly Press Availability at Justice Department With Deputy Attorney General Eric Holder, (Oct. 23, 1997).
12. Griffin B. Bell, Lawyer's Bills for Uncle Sam, Wash. Post, Oct. 29, 1997, at A23.
13. Transcript, supra note 11.
14. 28 U.S.C. 2412(d)(1)(B) (1996).
15. Id., 2412(d)(2)(A).
16. Id., 2412(d)(2)(B).
17. Conference Report on H.R. 2267, Nov. 13, 1997 [Committee's Explanation].
18. Judge William J. Campbell, Eliminate the Grand Jury, 64 J. Crim. L. & Criminology 174 (1973).
19. 504 U.S. 36 (1992).
20. According to statistics prepared by the Administrative Office of U.S. Courts, out of the 63,000 defendants handled by U.S. District Courts last year, 400 were acquitted by the court, and 493 were acquitted by jury. Additionally, over 6000 cases were dismissed.
21. See Franks v. Delaware, 438 U.S. 154 (1978).
22. See e.g., Kyles v. Whitley, 514 U.S. 419 (1995).
23. 18 U.S.C. 924(d)(2)(A) (1996).
24. Id., 924(d)(2)(B).
25. But see United States v. Fourteen Various Firearms, 899 F. Supp. 249, 253 (E.D.Va. 1995) (noting in dicta that it is the "intention of 924(d)(2)(B) to permit an award of attorneys' fees only in very limited, specifically articulated instances."). The legislative history of the Hyde Amendment, however, reflects a much broader intention relative to awarding attorneys' fees. See, e.g., Comments of House Judiciary Committee Chairman Hyde, supra note 5 and accompanying text. Compare F.J. Vollmer Co. v. Magaw, 102 F.3d 591, 593 (D.C. Cir. 1996) (overruling the district court's denial of an attorney fee award under EAJA, in a civil proceeding brought against the BATF; holding that the district court had abused its discretion regarding the award in light of BATF's "incredible" position that a semiautomatic rifle receiver was a machine gun receiver because of a previous, no-longer-existing configuration of metal).
26. United States v. Kojayan, 8 F.3d 1315, 1324 (9th Cir. 1993).
27. United States v. Van Engel, 15 F.3d 623, 626 (7th Cir. 1993), cert. denied, 114 S. Ct. 2163 (1994).
28. Telephone interview with Dick DeGuerin, Dec. 19, 1997. See also Deborah Telford, Exonerated, Woman Seeks Repayment, Hous. Chron., Dec. 18, 1997, at A37.